Making History • HIST 1105 • 2.1
Popkin, From Herodotus to H-Net, ch. 2 · Herodotus, The Histories · Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War
Popkin cited by page. Herodotus by book and section; Thucydides by book and chapter.
The claim for today
The cliché is storyteller vs. scientist. Set it aside. Herodotus is doing real research; Thucydides is still shaping his material for effect. The interesting question isn’t who is more objective — it’s what each one thought he owed to the truth, and what he thought he owed to the reader.
Every “why” has an immediate answer and a structural one. Herodotus mostly works the immediate register — an insult, a king’s pride, one woman’s death. Thucydides reaches for structure — power, fear, interest. Same kind of event, different altitude.
Part one
Five things to take from the secondary reading. They set up every primary source we touch this week and next.
Popkin 01 · The story Popkin refuses to tell
“For much of the twentieth century, the history of history was written as a story of progress, in the course of which historical thinking gradually freed itself from mythical and religious elements and adopted a scientific perspective.” Popkin, From Herodotus to H-Net, p. 26
Older approaches are not, he says, “simply… outmoded approaches that have now been replaced by the ‘proper’ way of doing history”; instead “there have always been multiple perspectives from which the past can be viewed” and “the predominant ways of recording history have changed over time” (p. 27). This is the design principle of our whole syllabus: we are not climbing a ladder toward the correct method.
Read these authors as different answers, not as rough drafts of us.
Popkin 02 · The deflation
“Herodotus and Thucydides were certainly not the first people to record information about historical events or to construct stories about the past.” Popkin, pp. 27–28
Egypt kept records of rulers going back centuries — Herodotus says so himself. Persia had its own traditions. Both Greeks knew Homer intimately. The Jews had preserved the story of their origins, later written into the Bible. And in China, Confucius insisted on remembering past events “to draw lessons from them that would guide appropriate conduct in the present” (p. 28) — a claim about the usefulness of the past we will meet again in Livy, in Machiavelli, and in Week 4.
Recording the past is ordinary and ancient. Something else is what’s new here.
Popkin 03 · The load-bearing sentence of the chapter
“What made the works of Herodotus and Thucydides different… was their attempt to define history as a distinct method of telling the story of the past, unique above all because of its devotion to the use of critically examined evidence in order to discover and transmit the truth about bygone events.” Popkin, p. 28
Notice how much work “critically examined” is doing. Not recorded, not preserved — examined. A claim now comes with a procedure attached, and a procedure can be challenged by someone else. Popkin adds the part that makes today make sense: the two of them “had to define for themselves what history should take as its subject, what materials it should draw on, how they should be evaluated, and what purposes it should be designed to achieve” (p. 28).
Nobody handed them the rules. That’s why they disagree — and why their disagreement is still ours.
Popkin 04 · What they agreed on
“Unlike Homer, they eliminated the gods from their explanation of events” and defined history as “the story of the thoughts and deeds of human beings” (p. 28). If gods cause events there is nothing to investigate — only something to report. This is the move that creates the job.
History should concern “exceptional events that affected the lives of whole societies, not… the lives of individuals” — and each claimed his war was “the most important conflict the world had ever known” (p. 28). Put that against Week 1: countries don’t do things, people do. This is the moment history decided otherwise.
Popkin says their “most important contribution” was putting it in writing (p. 30) — permanent material, copyable, and therefore comparable with other documents. Criticism needs a fixed text to be possible at all.
Popkin 05 · Two books, two moods
“Whereas Herodotus had told the heroic story of how the Greeks had successfully defended their freedom from a foreign enemy, Thucydides recounted the tragic tale of how internal conflicts and Athens’s unbridled ambitions had brought disaster upon his native city.” Popkin, p. 29
These are not two neutral reports that happen to differ in rigor. They are two different genres with two different emotional jobs — defense and self-destruction. Popkin notes readers have taken Thucydides ever since as “a warning against the dangers that can befall a society that overestimates its own strength and allows its policies to be determined by irresponsible demagogues” (p. 29). Worth asking whether that warning is in the book or put there by readers who needed it.
Before method, each man chose a shape: triumph or tragedy.
Orientation · Two wars, two evidence problems
Persia invades Greece and loses (490, then 480–479 BCE) — a war that happened when Herodotus was a young child (Popkin, p. 27). His evidence is other people’s memory, gathered by travel, in several languages, already in disagreement.
Athens and Sparta destroy each other (431–404 BCE). Thucydides is an Athenian commander in the war he describes — and is exiled for a defeat he admits was his own fault. His evidence is what he saw, while it was happening.
Most of the “methodological” gap between them starts right here, in what each man could actually get his hands on. Don’t mistake an evidence situation for a personality.
Herodotus 01 · The first sentence does everything
“What Herodotus the Halicarnassian has learnt by inquiry is here set forth: in order that the memory of the past may not be blotted out… and that great and marvellous deeds… may not lack renown.” Herodotus, Histories 1.1
The Greek word Popkin flags is istoria, which “can be translated as ‘inquiry’” (p. 28). The entire discipline is named after a procedure, not a subject. Herodotus is not claiming revelation, prophecy, or inherited tradition. He is claiming he went and asked — and Popkin notes he “devoted a good part of his writing to recounting the extensive travels and other efforts he had undertaken to collect information” (p. 28).
Popkin gives the fuller version: to ensure “that what human beings have done will not fade through the passage of time… that the great and amazing actions of the Greeks and the barbarians will not lose their fame, and in particular the reason why they went to war against one another” (p. 29). Memory, renown — and causation, almost as an afterthought. A very different job description than students expect from the word “history.”
The method is inquiry; the purpose is commemoration. Those two do not automatically agree.
Herodotus 02 · He shows you the disagreement
“For my own part, I will not say that this or that story is true… but I will name him whom I myself know to have done unprovoked wrong.” Herodotus, Histories 1.5
He opens with competing Persian, Greek, and Phoenician accounts of how East and West fell out — a chain of abducted women (Io, Europa, Medea, Helen) that reads more like mythology than causation. Then he declines to referee them and moves to what he can stand behind. Students read this as sloppiness. Name it as a choice: he leaves the seam visible. Popkin’s version — Herodotus “often indicated the sources of his information and critically evaluated them for his audience, telling them what he thought was true and what he considered doubtful” (p. 28).
Reporting that your sources conflict is a method. Carr told us to study the historian; Herodotus makes it easy.
Herodotus 03 · History or parable?
Croesus, king of Lydia and proverbially rich, asks the Athenian sage Solon who the happiest man alive is, and is annoyed not to be the answer. He later asks Delphi whether to attack Persia, is told he will destroy a great empire — attacks, and destroys his own.
“Count no man happy until he is dead.” the sense of Solon’s reply, Histories 1.32 — which Croesus remembers on the pyre at 1.86
Look at the shape: a warning ignored, an ambiguous prophecy, pride, reversal, recognition at the last possible moment. Real events almost never arrive with that shape already on them. The point isn’t that Herodotus is lying — it’s that the episode does moral work whether or not it happened this way, and the moral work lives in the form, not the facts. Popkin, dryly: Herodotus is also called “the father of lies” for exactly this (pp. 30–31).
Livy does the identical move with Lucretia on Thursday. Watch for the shape.
Thucydides 01 · The whole ballgame
“My method has been, while keeping as closely as possible to the general sense of the words that were actually used, to make the speakers say what, in my opinion, was called for by each situation.” Thucydides 1.22, quoted in Popkin, p. 30
In the same breath as his promise to include only what he personally observed or had from reliable witnesses (Popkin, p. 28), he tells you the speeches are partly his own composition — what the situation called for. Popkin does not soften this: such invented material “later became seen as blurring the line between history and fiction” (p. 30).
Popkin’s own analogy, and a good one to put in front of a class: “When makers of historical films create dialogue for their characters… they can be seen as reviving Thucydides’s practice” (p. 30). So — is the founder of rigorous history doing the thing we deduct points for, or is the biopic doing something legitimate?
He disclosed it. That is either the highest standard of honesty here, or the cleverest cover.
Thucydides 02 · The Funeral Oration
“Its administration favours the many instead of the few; this is why it is called a democracy… In short, I say that as a city we are the school of Hellas.” Pericles, in Thucydides 2.37, 2.41
Pericles is not reporting a funeral. He is making an argument about what Athens is — open, democratic, cultured, worth dying for — while standing over the war dead in year one of a war Athens will lose. This is propaganda in the literal sense: a polis explaining itself to itself. And remember the previous slide: Thucydides wrote these words. Popkin notes the speeches let him “allow his characters to explain the motives for their actions” (p. 30) — which is to say, they are where his interpretation lives.
Week 1 gave us three senses of “history”: the events, an account of the events, and the practice of producing accounts. This passage is all three simultaneously — a thing that happened, a speech about the Athenian past, and Thucydides deciding what that speech should have contained.
The most factual-looking history in antiquity contains a speech its author composed.
Thucydides 03 · The Melian Dialogue
Melos is a small neutral island. Athens demands submission; Melos argues for its neutrality and its rights. Thucydides then reports the outcome in one flat sentence: the Athenians killed the grown men and sold the women and children into slavery (5.116).
“Right, as the world goes, is only in question between equals in power, while the strong do what they can and the weak suffer what they must.” Thucydides 5.89
Thucydides narrates in his own voice constantly. So why is this a dialogue? Because the form lets him stage two incompatible logics — justice and power — colliding, without ever saying which he endorses. The apparent absence of judgment is itself an authorial decision. He also lets the Athenians say the quiet part out loud: “of the gods we believe, and of men we know, that by a necessary law of nature they rule wherever they can” (5.105).
Choosing a form is choosing an argument. “No comment” is a comment.
The move · Put them side by side
Here are four incompatible stories. I won’t tell you which is true. Here is what I find doubtful. You can see where his evidence runs out.
I include only what I saw or had from reliable witnesses — and I wrote the speeches myself, as each occasion demanded. You cannot see where his evidence runs out.
Almost everyone answers “Thucydides is more honest,” because he sounds more rigorous — Popkin notes his prose was “clear and precise, without rhetorical flourishes,” and “continues to serve as a model for serious history writing even today” (p. 30). But rigor-sounding prose is a rhetorical stance too. Herodotus flags his doubts and shows the seams; Thucydides smooths them and tells you once, in one chapter, that he has done so. Confidence is not transparency.
Ask of any history: where would I be able to tell if this were wrong?
Reception · Pick your father of history
Ernst Breisach praises Thucydides’s “splendid narrative” and the “magnificent unity of style and content” in his work. Donald Kelley gives Herodotus nine pages, concluding that “its value is more appreciated than ever today,” and gives Thucydides two, saying he “had a much narrower conception of human thought and action.”
Same two authors, same surviving texts, opposite verdicts. Popkin’s point: which ancient historian a modern historian admires tells you what that modern historian thinks history is for. He resists the neat version too — it is “tempting to conclude that Thucydides appeals to more traditionalist scholars and Herodotus to those more open to innovation, but this is not always the case,” since Koselleck read Thucydides as a forerunner of postmodernism for demonstrating “that the gathering of facts is not identical with what is said or written about them” (p. 31).
This is Carr’s “listen for the buzzing” — aimed at the textbooks.
Guardrail · What we are not saying
“The Greek and Roman historians were not modern rationalists: they lived in a world that believed in various supernatural powers and took omens seriously.” Popkin, pp. 35–36
It is tempting to award points for how much they resemble us. Resist it. Popkin notes Herodotus “noted that Greek beliefs in oracles often influenced their actions” (p. 28) — oracles are information here. Firing the gods as causes is not the same as not believing in them. And the reach was small: “whatever most of the population of the ancient world knew about history was largely transmitted through other means, such as public monuments and oral tradition. Written history was the preserve of a small, cultivated elite” (p. 36).
“Like us” is not a standard. It’s a bias with good manners.
The rest of Popkin ch. 2 · threads we pick back up
The historian “describes the thing that has been”; the poet “a kind of thing that might be” — and so is more philosophic.
What’s beneficial is “the clear view of the causes of events, and the consequent power of choosing the better policy.”
Writing of “matters obscure… like objects which from their great distance are scarcely perceptible.”
“Let him bring a mind like a mirror, clear, gleaming-bright… free from distortion.” Long before Ranke.
Han China, no contact with Greece or Rome, same instinct: “I have cast a universal net to gather together all the old traditions.”
Where Greeks and Romans explained events by human action, he “attributed them to divine providence.” A plot line returns.
Recap · what to carry out of today
What was new wasn’t the subject. It was “critically examined evidence.”
The shared move that creates the historian’s job — without making them modern.
Herodotus: memory and renown. Thucydides: a warning you can reuse.
A parable shape, an invented speech, a dialogue — each does work facts can’t.
The one who shows his sources disagreeing may be the more honest one.
“Multiple perspectives from which the past can be viewed.” Not drafts of us.
Discussion · 2.1
Pick any contested recent event. Write one sentence about it the Herodotus way — competing accounts, named sources, moral shading — and one the Thucydides way — confident, causally tight, no visible seams. Then decide which one you would rather have been handed.